A new generation politicized by struggle

Umut Can FIRTINA

Serbia has been experiencing the largest student rebellion in its history for months, along with subsequent street movements carrying the potential for significant social change. The protests began in November when a concrete canopy at the train station in the city of Novi Sad collapsed, killing 16 people. Actions demanding accountability from President Aleksandar Vučić, who has ruled the country for 13 years, and his government initially started as 15-minute moments of silence at the University of Belgrade. However, these quickly escalated into nationwide university occupations following an attack by a pro-government group.

While the growing anger towards the government has led to the ousting of Prime Minister Milos Vucevic and several ministers, students insist they will not leave the streets until all their demands are met. Currently, occupations continue in more than 50 universities, and mass protests are being organized, joined by various social strata including farmers, educators, and high school students.

Dušanka Milosavljević, Research Associate at the Institute for Philosophy and Social Theory, University of Belgrade, answered our questions regarding the protests in Serbia that began with the student rebellion.

What are the students leading the rebellion in Serbia opposing? How did the protests evolve into anti-government demonstrations?

In the recent months of the uprising, students have often emphasized that their actions are not directly aimed at the current regime, but rather against a broader system that allows for tragedies like the one in Novi Sad and facilitates corruption. The failure to meet simple and general student demands, combined with continuous attacks on protesting students and citizens and the mobilization of the paramilitary repressive apparatus, has increased the tension between the Vučić regime and the student protests.

So, what are the students' demands?

Students are making seemingly simple demands: the publication of all documents related to the reconstruction of the Novi Sad train station roof, criminal prosecution of those responsible for attacks on students, the dropping of criminal charges against protesting students, and a 50% reduction in tuition fees along with a 20% increase in the higher education budget. They emphasize their opposition to corruption and demand the rule of law, respect for legal norms, the proper functioning of institutions, and both moral and criminal accountability.

How did young people become the protagonists in Serbia's social mobilization?

Young people have become the backbone of these protests, as the uprising was initiated by students who blocked their faculties in a coordinated effort across the country. They organize themselves through direct democratic plenums, where all decisions are made collectively after intensive discussions, following the principle of one person, one vote. Numerous studies show that young people distrust traditional political institutions like political parties and are more inclined towards participatory, grassroots activism models and engaging in new social movements.

What is the relationship between the political opposition and the movement in the streets?

The traditional political opposition lacks significant support among the public. The crisis of representation we are witnessing has also led student plenums to distance themselves from opposition parties, which often approach them with an opportunistic attitude. Students do not want the political opposition to exploit their struggle or co-opt it for political gain or to seize power.

Mass street movements are not new in Serbia. Vučić has faced protests before during his 12 years in power. What is different this time?

The key difference is that these protests are leaderless, do not allow opportunistic individuals to impose themselves or establish leadership, and are supported in this by the model of direct democratic organization. Furthermore, the student movement is attempting to build ties with other oppressed groups in society, leading to alliances with trade unions in a way that hasn't happened before. Finally, a significant difference is that, unlike previous waves of mobilization, the movement is now using more effective methods of struggle such as blocking institutions, work stoppages, and strikes; whereas previous protests were often limited to peaceful marches that failed to exert any real pressure on institutions.

What are the most significant gains from the student protests? What changes might they bring to Serbia's political and social structure?

Despite the government's decision to halt urban and intercity transport that day, the protest on March 15th brought hundreds of thousands of people together in Belgrade. Despite attempts by authorities to provoke unrest, the protest remained peaceful without major incidents. The consequences will be seen over time. On one hand, increasingly more people are participating in public plenums in their local communities and resisting local authorities. On the other hand, for now, there seem to be no concrete proposals to further radicalize the struggle, as most organized actions in recent weeks have been largely defensive and reactive.

However, I believe the greatest contribution of this uprising will be a new generation that has become politicized by participating in radical methods of struggle; a generation that rejects imposed dichotomies, recognizes the shortcomings of parliamentary politics and representative democracy, and is capable of deeper reflection on politics while critically examining the root causes of problems.

President Vučić claims that what is happening is one of the 'color revolutions' supported by Western imperialism, similar to those seen in many countries. What do you say about this claim?

Vučić has to resort to the "color revolution" argument because our people have negative experiences with the previous color revolution, which led to the transition to capitalism, the looting of social and public property through privatization, mass layoffs, and neoliberal reforms. However, the color revolution argument is not valid because no global power has supported the protests; on the contrary, all high-ranking officials strongly support Aleksandar Vučić. Currently, the European Union has the greatest interest in the continuation of the current government, as this government facilitates the implementation of the lithium mining project in the Jadar Valley, which will serve the needs of the German automotive industry.