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The history of the Turkish working class was written through resistance against bans and oppression. Struggles from Kavel to Paşabahçe, from Zonguldak to TEKEL, turned strikes into a tradition. The power of this historical legacy lies behind the ongoing resistance today.

Milestones in the history of the Turkish working class: An empowering legacy

Labour Service

The history of the working class in the country has largely been shaped by the history of actual struggles and strikes against bans, suspensions and oppression. This line, stretching from Kavel to couriers, shows that striking is not only a right but also a tradition that has been won. Strikes dating back to before the Republic have taken root in Turkey with their existence spanning over a century.

The right to strike and the labour struggle have been shaped by the stubbornness and determination of the working class, despite all kinds of pressure, bans and coercion. Many acts of resistance, now referred to as ‘tradition’, have taken place, influencing the historical forms of organisation and resistance we see today. These were struggles not only for wages or working conditions, but also for the right to strike itself. The resistance that continues to guide the Turkish working class today is also referred to as ‘strikes that created tradition.’

The Paşabahçe Strike, which marks its 60th anniversary today, is remembered as one of the first steps leading to the establishment of DİSK, once again demonstrating the social power of the working class.

On 31 January 1966, 2,500 glass workers went on strike to have their demands accepted and to sign a collective agreement. While the Paşabahçe workers grew stronger through solidarity, the bosses tried to suppress the struggle for rights with organised attacks. The strike, which the Türk-İş bureaucracy declared ‘over’ contrary to the workers' word, continued in practice. The strike, in which the workers had the final say, demonstrated the power of labour despite the union bureaucracy and accelerated the establishment of DİSK. The Solidarity Committee, formed by unions that accused Türk-İş of ‘betrayal,’ is today remembered as some of the founders of DİSK.

One of the most important features of the strike was that it proved to the working class how powerful solidarity could be. The Paşabahçe workers remained standing thanks to the solidarity of tens of thousands of workers from almost every sector, some organised and some unorganised. The workers who were employed at Migros, where workers are currently fighting for their rights, were also part of this solidarity at the time. The workers combined their struggle for rights at Paşabahçe, owned by İş Bankası and the CHP, with an unprecedented boycott. When thousands of workers withdrew all their deposits from İş Bankası, the employer-regime bloc, which had always been close, panicked. The Council of Ministers banned the strike, the bosses placed advertisements in newspapers, and Türk-İş “punished” the Petrol-İş, Kristal-İş, Maden-İş and İstanbul Basın-İş unions in the Solidarity Committee by suspending their activities. The will that emerged from this united with unions such as Lastik-İş to form DİSK.

The legacy left behind from Paşabahçe, where the power of production was used to the fullest, was a will that grew through solidarity and the trade unionism of the working class.

BAN ON STRIKES OVERCOME ONE BY ONE

Three years before Paşabahçe, the Kavel Strike created the momentum to change the laws. The legal bans on organising and striking, which had been in place since the final years of the Ottoman Empire, were triumphantly overturned at Kavel. The 1963 Kavel Strike became one of the cornerstones of the strike tradition in the country. During a period when the right to strike was not legal, the actual strike initiated by Kavel Cable workers not only resulted in gains but also paved the way for legal regulations recognising the right to strike. Kavel became a concrete example of the idea that ‘rights are won through struggle’ in the country at that time.

The Great Workers' Resistance of 15-16 June 1970 was considered a general strike that lasted two days. By resisting the law restricting the right to choose a union, the working class demonstrated that it was a political subject and succeeded in getting the Constitutional Court to repeal the regulation.

The MESS metal strikes that continued throughout the 1970s created a tradition of long-term, organised strikes in the industrial sector. Solidarity, sectoral consciousness and class discipline were strengthened. The 12 September coup aimed to eliminate this accumulation. Halit Narin, president of the employers' organisation TİSK, applauded the coup, stating, ‘Until now, the workers have been laughing; now it's our turn to laugh,’ with the aim of undermining the strengthening labour movement. The Spring Actions of 1989-1991 revived the tradition of strikes that had been suppressed after 12 September.

Public sector workers' strikes, work slowdowns and mass marches paved the way for both the return of trade union struggle and the emergence of trade unionism among public sector workers. The 1990-91 Zonguldak Miners' Strike and Ankara March went down in strike history with the halting of production and the march of tens of thousands of miners to the capital. Miners broadened the social legitimacy of the labour struggle.

The 2009-2010 TEKEL Resistance went beyond traditional strike forms, focusing on long-term practical resistance and occupation of premises. The struggle against privatisation and precarious work created a tradition of permanent resistance in the public sphere.

Women exploited for their labour at workplaces such as Smart Solar and Temel Conta, construction workers from all corners of the country, metal workers who found the courage to stand up against the largest employer organisations, pensioners who earned their living through their labour, warehouse workers at chain stores growing in solidarity from Izmir to Van, couriers rising up against precariousness, children exploited as workers by the state in MESEMs, miners whose lives are threatened by privatisation; each of their strikes and actions draws strength from the historical legacy and guiding principles of these cornerstones.

Note: This article is translated from the original article titled Türkiye işçi sınıfı tarihinin mihenk taşları: Güç veren miras, gelenek yaratan grevler, published in BirGün newspaper on January 31, 2026.