Oh no, Erdogan said democracy
At his party's group meeting, Erdoğan explained the road map of the regime with an emphasis on democracy. Whenever Erdoğan talked about democracy in his 23 years in power, the country was plunged into darkness.
Politics Service
Speaking at his party's group meeting, AKP leader and President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan once again made ‘democracy’ speeches.
Since the day he came to power, Erdoğan, who has never stopped using the word ‘democracy’ in every critical election and referendum where we’ve witnessed turning points in the regime. Yesterday he said: "With the announcement that the separatist organisation has decided to “dissolve itself and surrender its weapons”, we have entered a new phase in our efforts for a “Terror Free Turkey”. This phase is the phase of strengthening our unity, solidarity and brotherhood. The Republic of Turkey has shown to friends and enemies that it has the capacity to solve its own problems with the will of its own citizens. The inclusive stance put forward by the alliance partner honourable MHP leader Bahçeli last October has been instrumental in the auspicious process that has led to today."
Every time Erdoğan talked about democracy and turning over a new leaf, Turkey became more authoritarian and the country was plagued by severe crises.
- 2007 Referendum: In the 2007 referendum, which Erdoğan presented as the basis for his latest constitutional amendment proposal after the "367 crisis", the provisions on "election of the president by the people instead of the parliament", "reduction of the presidential term from seven to five years" and "re-election of the president for a second term" were put to a people’s vote. While the government argued that the election of the President by the people would create a more democratic governance mechanism, the foundations of today's partisan Presidential regime were laid.
- 2010 Referendum: It went down in history as the referendum that laid the foundation of today's regime. Claiming that 12 September and the military tutelage regime would be reconciled, the then ruling partners Fethullahists and AKP claimed that a democratic and civilian constitution would be passed. Fethullah Gülen said ‘convince even those in their graves to vote’, while the ‘not enough but yes’ front, who called themselves intellectuals, supported the current regime. The organisers of the “No” front underlined that this referendum will drag the whole country into a religious fascism by linking the high judiciary to the executive.
- Solution process: The negotiations between the MİT and the PKK, which started in Oslo, were transformed into a solution process with the İmralı talks in 2013. The process, which also emerged as an opportunity to end the armed struggle and pave the way for a democratic solution, was used as a means for the AKP to consolidate its power. After the end of the process, the AKP, led by Davutoğlu, did not have the power to rule alone in the 7 June 2015 elections, even though it became the first party. This defeat was the breaking point that would open the door to a dark period between 7 June and 1 November in which hundreds of people lost their lives.
- The presidential referendum: The breakdown of the partnership between the Fethullahists and the AKP led to the 15 July coup attempt. Turning this attempt into an opportunity, the government laid the foundations of the current regime with the MHP. The Presidential Government System, which Erdoğan defended with the claim that it would enable ‘fast and effective decision-making’, became the country's undoing. After the 16 April 2017 referendum on the Presidential Government System, Turkey has collapsed economically, socially and in the areas of justice under the AKP's President Erdoğan. While the legislature has come under the domination of the executive, the independence of the judiciary has completely disappeared. Under the ‘one-man regime’, freedom of the press has been completely abolished and a record has been broken in cases of insulting the President. Parliament became dysfunctional and institutions were emptied.
- The rhetoric of national will: Erdoğan relied on the rhetoric of ‘national will’ in almost all the elections until recently. The regime, which spoke of democracy before each election, appointed trustees to elected mayors, usurped the will of the people and imprisoned the opposition. In the 31 March elections, the government, unable to obtain the consent of the people, fell to the position of the second party. Today, CHP's presidential candidate Ekrem İmamoğlu, IBB executives and elected mayors are being held in prison.
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NEW ENEMY “İMAMOĞLU CRIME ORGANISATION”
President Erdoğan also described the regime's road map in his group meeting. ‘The era of terror, weapons, violence and illegality is now over’. Erdoğan said, referring to the process, adding that ‘trustee practices will become an exception again’. He targeted Ekrem İmamoğlu, who is in prison, with the words ‘It is understood that the works carried out have exceeded the quality of organised crime related to corruption and extortion, and have reached dimensions that threaten the security of the country’.
The Palace regime, which does not give up its policy of polarisation, has once again defined the need for an ‘enemy’ that it will try to consolidate politics by positioning itself in the opposite direction. Erdoğan, who sees İmamoğlu as the new ‘survival’ problem, gave the message that the repression, operations and witch-hunt will continue. The background of Erdoğan's call for ‘reasonable’ opposition to the CHP and Özgür Özel in recent weeks, as well as those of government representatives and supporters, has also been revealed. On 19 March, the regime, fearing the wind of social opposition, wants to confine the opposition to the limits it has drawn. Against this desire of Erdoğan and the regime, the rebellion of the youth, women and labourers must be embraced more.
Note: This text has been translated from the original Turkish version titled Yine demokrasi hayalleri sattı, published in BirGün newspaper on May 15, 2025.
