Oppression, Imprisonment, Courage, Solidarity: The changing face of journalism as the regime shifts

The back-to-back arrests of Alican Uludağ and our reporter İsmail Arı, debates over the investigation of allegations against a minister, and the ongoing debate between courage and fear have once again brought the climate of journalism in the country to the forefront.

In Turkey, where a mainstream media system serving the interests of the capitalist class had been established over many years, following the AKP era, the share of so-called “pro-government” media outlets—fueled by the capital accumulated by the ruling party and directly controlled by it—rose to 95 percent. In this increasingly monolithic media landscape, pressure on independent organizations, platforms, and journalists—labeled by society as “opposition media”—has intensified day by day. Arrest and detention processes targeting journalists, once associated with the organization known as FETÖ within the judiciary and police, became frequently employed by the government in subsequent years. As the one-man regime’s organizational structure within the state strengthened, a system of “immediate detention and arrest” was effectively put into place. Through certain legal regulations, such as the disinformation law, unrefuted news reports were directly treated as grounds for arrest. It has become commonplace for independent journalists to spend a period of their lives in prison under various pretexts.

In this new era, Turkey is undergoing a process where tolerance for dissenting voices is non-existent, rival candidates are being silenced, and opposition parties and groups are being divided, all to ensure elections become a mere formality. During this process, news and opinions capable of influencing broad segments of society immediately come under the regime’s radar. Those journalists are arrested under various pretexts. As independent journalism becomes increasingly “dangerous” from the regime’s perspective, the pressure intensifies.

However, while the ruling party attempts to silence the opposition by arresting journalists through the judicial system it has built, it may end up backfiring on young people. Indeed, as İsmail Arı, who hasn’t even turned 30 yet, stands his ground, public sympathy for him continues to grow, and people across the country are rallying behind journalists through press statements. Likewise, many names like Alican Uludağ and Furkan Karabay are becoming symbols of hope for the future. In this process, journalists’ solidarity with one another and their anger over their colleagues being imprisoned can be dismissed as “activist journalism.” In a system where silence leads to the next person being targeted, it’s hardly possible to act as if nothing has happened. The public also finds such behavior unacceptable.

But let’s also address the issue of anonymous, crypto-like accounts offering unsolicited advice to journalists in the country. It is undoubtedly natural for people to expect more courage and more criticism of the regime. However, the fact that accounts linked to FETÖ or the mafia—which played a role in bringing the country to this state—now appear as the sharpest opponents, preparing for a possible change in power to justify themselves, and accusing journalists who pay the price every day should be seen clearly by society.

Indeed, in times like these, while journalists strive to do their jobs well, they must also stand in solidarity with their colleagues on the streets and in prisons. Everyone opposed to this darkness must stand together and draw strength from one another. The future lies in the light in the eyes of journalists in their 20s, and in the courageous stance displayed by all our journalist colleagues behind bars…

THE CONDITIONS OF TRUE JOURNALISM IN TURKEY

Turkey is a country where press and freedom of expression—just like our economic conditions and democratic rights—are eroding day by day, and where the regime frequently resorts to methods such as manipulating the press, buying it off, and silencing independent journalists to foster consent within society. When we look at the statistics regarding journalism, the picture emerges in all its stark reality:

According to data from the Turkish Journalists’ Association, in 2025 alone, 72 journalists were detained, and 3 were placed under house arrest. By the end of the year, more than 10 journalists were in prison. Even before the third month of this year had ended, the number of detained journalists had reached 15.

The regime, which in the past established the “pool media” system to control mainstream media and turned it into the main force of government propaganda by having capitalists—particularly the Doğan Group—purchase numerous TV stations and newspapers through inflated tenders, added yet another method to its arsenal last year; first, it had a pro-government businessman purchase Flash TV to prevent it from joining the Halk TV group, and then, by detaining this businessman in a gambling investigation, it placed the channel under the control of the TMSF (Deposit Insurance Fund). Last October, after arresting Merdan Yanardağ on espionage charges based on a fifth-rate conspiracy, the regime also unlawfully transferred Tele 1—a channel Yanardağ did not even own—to the TMSF. Also last year, the regime targeted both the former owner of the Habertürk group, Ciner, and the new owner, Can Group, in an operation, and Ciner Media was directly transferred to the TMSF. Despite its proximity to Erdoğan, the Ciner group could not escape this wave of operations. At this point, the regime—which can no longer even trust capitalists known to be allies—has effectively turned the TMSF into a media giant.

Pressure on journalists is not limited to detentions, arrests, and interventions in media ownership. Last year alone, Radio and Television Supreme Council (RTÜK) imposed 53 fines totaling 92,790,000 TL on SZC TV, NOW TV, Tele 1, Halk TV, and Flash TV, and imposed blackouts of up to 10 days; pro-government channels, however, received no penalties in this category despite their disinformation and smear campaigns. This situation demonstrates that it is virtually impossible to produce opposition content within the system, even in mainstream, owner-controlled media in Turkey.

Note: This article is translated from the original article titled Baskı, hapis, cesaret, dayanışma: Rejim değişirken gazeteciliğin dönüşümü, published in BirGün newspaper on March 29, 2026.