Selective democracy: Sugar for some, poison for others
In Turkey, rights and freedoms are not equally valid for everyone. The regime has created a distorted order by operating democracy in reverse in line with its own needs. While it tries to eliminate the people's right to transfer executive power to the party or person of their choice, it also seeks to determine who can benefit from which rights and to what extent, based on its own interests.
In order to preserve its existence, the ruling mindset has turned democracy and the law into tools for distributing favour, creating an extraordinary system. Thanks to this system, it grants freedoms to those it pleases, justifies those who serve its interests and bans those who don’t. (Actors within this system also gain the privilege of exceeding legal boundaries. They begin to live in another comfort zone both economically and legally.)
Those outside the circle of mutual interest, especially those in opposition, are very clearly and harshly subjected to violations of rights. Democratic rights and freedoms guaranteed by the Constitution are no longer valid for the opposition. The judicial system operates on the same principle. Those who oppose the government are punished for their “crimes” in the harshest possible ways. Investigations, home raids, detentions and arrests are endless.
Today, we are facing a similar approach. The palace signals that it will open the tap of democracy only for those it deems worthy. On Wednesday, during his party’s parliamentary group meeting, Erdoğan said that “the appointment of trustees will once again become exceptional.” This message suggests that the trustee policy, which has been systematically implemented since 2016, is now being shelved as a result of the ongoing process with the Kurdish movement. In doing so, it is also being acknowledged that dozens of elected mayors were removed from office simply because the Kurdish movement became part of the opposition bloc.
At the same time, with this manoeuvre, the regime is making clear to the whole society the reason behind the imprisonment of CHP’s presidential candidate Ekrem İmamoğlu and other CHP mayors. It is broadcasting the message, “Freedom for those by my side, prison for those against me.” In this selective democracy, where the law and freedoms are granted from above to the “deserving” roles are easily redistributed. While Erdoğan embraces the idea of a “Turkish-Kurdish alliance” with pragmatic and expansionist ambitions, he has already begun to point to Ekrem İmamoğlu and the CHP as “elements that threaten national security.”
Notice that Erdoğan says trustees will once again be the exception, but he doesn’t say “arrests will become exceptional.” He doesn’t mention dawn raids on homes or the unlawful imprisonment of citizens and elected politicians. Because that much democracy is excessive and unnecessary. It offers him no benefit.
The government’s main strategy is to create the perception of a “conflict of interest” between actors it treats differently, thereby dividing the opposition and gaining the largest piece in the political map that will emerge. Erdoğan’s re-election as president depends on this. If opposition elements lose their comprehensive focus on winning democracy and instead focus on their own organisational gains, the conditions for the palace to implement this strategy will ripen.
What must not be forgotten is that a freedom that is granted is not a real freedom. Rights presented today as the result of a bargaining process based on shared interests will vanish tomorrow if the tide turns. Most dangerously, in an atmosphere where everyone is focused on their immediate gain and thus provides the government with room to manoeuvre, the country will be trapped in an even darker place in the short time between “today” and “tomorrow.”
Apart from a few individuals, no one knows where this process is heading or what its scope will be. But even if we assume it promises to solve all identity-based issues in Turkey through legal means, under such a government, this will neither advance Turkish democracy nor remove the obstacles to freedoms. It will only help consolidate the power of the ruling bloc and establish a system akin to Russia’s, where identities are acknowledged but the regime shifts into higher gear in authoritarianism and the people grow poorer.
Moreover, while identities are among the values that make us human, they are not the only reality of citizens. If they were, the broad masses of people without identity-based demands would have no reaction to the government today. The class-based exploitation system, which operates without discrimination, the deepening poverty, inequality, hopelessness, the deprivation of social rights, increasing social decay, and systemic breakdowns in justice, healthcare and education are the concerns of millions. And millions, both Kurds and Turks, will continue resisting this corrupt system.
Therefore, while not denying the importance of silencing weapons and establishing non-conflict, no political actor engaged in the struggle for democracy, freedom and bread should withdraw into an isolated position from the broad opposition front or treat opposition to the government as a secondary issue. Such a shift in orientation means alienating from the sentiments and thoughts of society. Unless the system and the mindset that created it change, no special salvation plan will benefit anyone.
Note: This text has been translated from the original Turkish version titled Seçmeli demokrari; kimine şeker, kimine zehir, published in BirGün newspaper on May 17, 2025.
