Youth struggle from the ‘60s till today: And the history began to march...

Politics Collective

Turkey's deep depression has a profound effect on all segments of society. Young people are among those who are experiencing this crisis in the most devastating way. Perhaps more than at any other time in history, young people are unfairly treated through encrypted systems and their academic degrees are devalued, while at the same time they are being suffocated by the new repressive policies of the government.

On 19 March, the detention of Imamoğlu was the last straw for the youth. The barricade in Beyazıt was not only an act of courage but also an expression of the determination to break free from this regime. The political Islamist one-man regime is at the heart of the objections that led many different groups of the youth to this massive spontaneous resistance. From their slogans to their songs, from their banners to their demands, each of them expresses this in different ways, they unite for this, they resist for this. The obstacles that have been overcome and will be overcome are seen as a threshold that will open the door to a new future for young people.

This (contrary to what some people say) direct political resistance of the youth, which comes as a great surprise to everyone, perhaps especially the people in power, undoubtedly brings to mind the youth struggles of past eras. Erdoğan must have been well aware of this fact, which some of those who took to the streets today expressed with a salute to Gezi and others with a salute to the Denizs (Deniz Gezmis), that he had to express his resentment with the words ‘for years you have made bank robbers look like role models for the youth’.

This week in Reminders, we are discussing different periods in the history of youth struggle. The 555K was one of the symbols of the struggle of the youth of a certain period against the dictatorship of the Democrat Party. Against the DP's counter-revolutionary movement, which continued by intensifying its oppression on universities and youth, the youth organised the first major youth protests in the history of the country, starting from universities and spreading to the streets. After 1965, with the rising '68 movements in the world, a youth struggle that would take the leadership of a great wave of social awakening in Turkey appeared on the stage of history. What shaped the revolutionary, progressive youth struggle of this period was the idea of an independent Turkey where the objection to a colonisation process dependent on imperialism was at the centre. The protests against the 6th Fleet became the most important element of this struggle. A period that ended with the interruption of the rising youth movement with the coup d'état of 12 March and the murder of its leaders, Mahir and Deniz, turned into a storm after '74. In this period, the youth organised the anti-fascist struggle against rising fascism by taking it as a matter of life safety. The revolutionary youth movement also became the pioneer of the popular struggle against fascism.

Following the suppression of the revolutionary movement by another coup d'état on 12 September in 1980, the resurgence of the youth movement manifested itself after 1985 against the repression of the junta. In the political history of Turkey, universities, which were the main centre of the struggles to break out of the bloody blockades of the junta, also became one of the first points of objection against the seizure of education for the capital. The struggle organised as a youth opposed to the AKP's attempts to establish a political Islamist fascist regime in the 2000s became a ground for the resistances that would later pass through Gezi and extend to today. It is the timeless and boundless struggles of this country, from the Mahirs (Mahir Cayan) to the Denizs (Deniz Gezmis), from the Taylans (Taylan Özgür) to the Ali Ismails (Ali Ismail Korkmaz), which are growing with the young people filling the streets today...

THE ‘50S: YOUTH STANDS UP AGAINST THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY'S COUNTER-REVOLUTION

The first major youth protests in Turkey took place against the Democrat Party government. The DP government, which pioneered the reactionary transformation of Turkey in line with America's Cold War policies, was also a process of counter-revolution. The DP, whose economic structure dependent on the US collapsed and whose counter-revolutionary practices failed to generate consent in the majority of the society, turned to policies of tyranny, from suppressing universities to banning newspapers and even shutting down the CHP, in order to stay in power. Along with the objections that accumulated from the military to the bureaucracy, universities were undoubtedly the centre of the reactions rising from the society. While the Democrat Party and its repressive policies were at the centre of these reactions, this struggle also formed a basis for the revolutionary youth movement that would grow later on.

THE ‘60S: THE DEV-GENÇ ON THE WAY TO INDEPENDENCE

The ‘61 constitution, which was put into practice after 27 May, prepared the ground for an atmosphere in which relatively democratic practices such as the autonomisation of universities, the abolition of the censorship law and the expansion of freedom of association were put into practice in line with the demands of the youth.

One of the important events that would give character to the struggle in this period was the independenceist reactions against Johnson's letter on the Cyprus issue, which insulted Inönü. The fusion of anti-imperialist consciousness with socialist ideas fuelled a large opposition movement against the existing Americanist colonial order and American domination in Turkey.

By 1965, the entry of TIP (The Workers' Party of Turkey) into parliament with 15 deputies, the anti-imperialist attitude that developed among the youth and the foundation of the FKF (Fikir Kulüpleri Federasyonu), which would later turn into DEV-GENÇ (Revolutionary Youth), can be shown as real outputs of this situation. The movement, which started with university occupations, went on its way with an anti-imperialist character.

In the period from 1965 to 12 March, the struggle of the youth diversified and deepened. The struggle of the university youth against the corrupt education system started in January 1968 and continued with occupation actions until 1969. The boycott and occupation actions, which started with the occupation of DTCF (Faculty of Language and History - Geography, Ankara University), spread to all faculties and vocational schools, especially in big cities such as Ankara, Istanbul and Izmir in June. Starting from the faculties, the demands expanded to include demands for radical reforms in the university system in general. Many issues were addressed, from the rote learning structure of education to the production of knowledge for the ruling classes.

Against these, science for the people and a management model in which students and university components have a say and decision were proposed. The youth protests were not limited to academic and democratic demands.

The idea that the distortions in the education system stemmed from the country's dependence on imperialism was becoming more and more widespread among the youth. In this context, the struggle for a free and democratic university evolved into an anti-imperialist and independenceist line of struggle. Protests against the 6th Fleet were organised in many cities, especially in Ankara, Istanbul and Izmir. Independence Week events were organised against US imperialism and NATO. In METU (Middle East Technical University), the car of the US ambassador Commer, who was nicknamed the Butcher of Vietnam, was burnt by the Revolutionary Youth. These actions were engraved in the memory of history as symbols reflecting the anti-imperialist spirit of the time.

The anti-imperialist struggle of the Revolutionary Youth combined with the resistance of the working people brought the social opposition to a climax. The land occupations initiated by the peasants in Elmalı to reclaim their usurped lands continued in Izmir and Maraş. From 1967 to 1970, nearly two hundred land occupations were organised. The social awakening in the villages was not limited to the issue of land distribution. Producers organised various marches for fair prices, the fight against the black market and village roads. Hazelnut rallies were organised in Fatsa and tobacco rallies in Gebze. These marches were also supported by revolutionary youth from universities. Revolutionaries such as Ziya Yılmaz and Mahir Çayan played an important role in organising the rallies in the villages.

In parallel, the anti-imperialist energy of the youth became a source of inspiration for the resistance of the working class. The period that started with the strikes in Kavel, Singer, Paşabahçe etc. reached its climax with the demonstrations of 15-16 June 1970. According to official figures, 150 thousand workers participated in the 15-16 June 1970 protests, which are still remembered today as the most heroic workers' action in the history of Turkey.

The struggle of the revolutionary youth, which was attempted to be suppressed by oppression and terror during the fascist process that began with the March 12, became a legacy that DEV-GENÇ has held on to tightly since 1974, despite its organisational structure being abolished.

‘70S: FROM THE STRUGGLE AGAINST FASCISM TO THE METU ÖTK (STUDENT REPRESENTATIVE COUNCIL)

With the massacre of Mahir Çayan and ten other revolutionaries in Kızıldere and the execution of Deniz Gezmiş, an era of the revolutionary movement came to an end. Although the revolutionary movement, which had been rising since the mid-60s, was tried to be suppressed with the 12 March, the struggle could not be ended. With the great wave of sympathy generated by the past revolutionary movement, the youth rapidly entered a new period of struggle. The decisive point that differentiated this era from the previous one was that it flourished on the axis of an anti-fascist struggle against fascist attacks. The nuclei of this struggle were formed on the axis of a determined resistance against the fascist attacks on universities. The anti-fascist basis of the struggle developed as a natural consequence of the continuous policies that emerged before 12 March and aimed to suffocate the revolutionary struggle by fascist forces. Under the conditions of 12 March, the fascist gangs, which had been fostered and further organised by the state, had turned towards establishing domination in universities and student dormitories through force and violence. With the establishment of the MC government, in which the fascist MHP (Nationalist Movement Party) was a partner, fascist attacks gradually increased, all educational institutions were occupied and the right to education of the youth was tried to be seized. Schools and student dormitories were forcibly occupied by the MHP and the Grey Wolves' Forces, which had the direct support of imperialism and the state, and everyone who was not a fascist was tried to be liquidated, the loans of the students whose right to study was taken away were cut off, their records from the dormitories were cancelled and thus the conditions for a complete surrender to fascism were tried to be prepared. The MC's policies aimed at surrendering the entire youth through fascist forces led to the emergence and development of strong resistance tendencies among large sections of youth. Revolutionary Youth was able to mobilise the youth to fight against fascism on the basis of an active defence line by claiming the youth's demand for freedom of education and security of life. As a result of this struggle of the revolutionary youth, the policies of the sovereigns to fascise educational institutions and take over the youth were defeated.

EXPERIENCES OF ORGANISING THROUGH METU ÖTK

The organised formation of the anti-fascist revolutionary potentials within the youth developed step by step as part of this struggle. After March 12, the first experiences of organisation began with the establishment of the Ankara Democratic Association for Higher Education (ADYÖD). Although ADYÖD was designed as a ground for the common struggle of the youth, the developing dynamism of the youth overcame this and established AYÖD as a step towards a democratic youth organisation based on a grassroots struggle. While a democratic youth movement was being built around this approach, which organised the struggle in universities on the basis of the self-organisation of the youth, one of the most advanced forms of this was the Council of Student Representatives (ÖTK) at METU. The METU ÖTK demonstrated a practice of democracy in which the youth had a say and decision at all levels and directly participated in the university administration with their own representatives in all units from faculties to dormitories.

AN EXAMPLE OF THE METU BOYCOTT AND THE STRUGGLE FOR AUTONOMOUS DEMOCRATIC UNIVERSITY

As the 12 March explicit fascism began to recede, the organisation and active struggle of METU students came to the forefront in the environment of freedom. METU students also took their place in the struggle organised by ADYÖD. On 8 November 1974, the struggle evolved into a new stage with the bloody attack of fascists from outside the campus on the boycott of Kissinger's visit to the country. After the martial law closed down ADYÖD, ODTÜ-DER was founded. On 14-15 April, they decided not to pay dormitory fees in protest against the fascist oppression at the university and to stage a two-day boycott. Although the university was closed down by the rectorate, the students advocated that the university should remain open until the end. On 15 March 1975, METU students declared an indefinite boycott to defend their right to education against fascist oppression. The boycott lasted 6 months and 99 % of the students participated in the boycott. The boycott ended with the students' demands being accepted. At every stage of the 6-month boycott, democratic methods were utilised. Every decision was taken after discussion and voting in forums attended by thousands of students. Previously, the ideas that matured in small units were discussed in lecture halls and canteens and then decided in forums in the Devrim stadium with the participation of all students. This 6-month experience of real democracy was later crowned with the METU-ÖTK period.

THE ‘80S AND BEYOND: TOGETHER AGAINST THE DARKNESS OF THE JUNTA AGAIN

The 12 September junta not only suppressed the rising revolutionary movement but also transformed the entire system with the 1982 constitution. Within this framework, with the establishment of the Council of Higher Education (YÖK) on 6 November 1981 and the destruction of university autonomy, the pressures on the youth were intensified.

The youth struggle in the ‘80s was shaped as an strategy of an exit from the junta on the basis of the liberation of universities in the face of this blockade created by the junta. In the universities that were blockaded by the police, the students who accumulated around the legacy of past revolutionary movements were able to put forward an action that would mobilise large masses of students against the problems of the universities. One of the main slogans of the struggle carried out through associations in this era was ‘universities are ours’. The struggle around this demand, which meant that universities should be free from the police, that they should be not only spaces of life and struggle for students but also positions of democracy where students' own words could be liberated, led to new practices ranging from occupations to boycotts. In a sense, this period was an important link in the struggle against the junta, as an interim phase between the period of struggle after 12 September and the period just before a new period that would begin with the defeat of real socialism after 1990.

2000S: GENÇLİK MUHALEFETİ (YOUTH OPPOSITION) AGAINST AKP

Despite the collapse of real socialism and the declaration of the global victory of neoliberal capitalism, the youth struggles would continue to be the defining reality of the ‘90s and 2000s.

The first important objections against the capitalist neoliberal transformation period would be the anti-globalisation movements from the mid-90s onwards and the street movements with the youth at their core. The ‘struggle against tuition fees’, which came to the agenda against the attempts of the Council of Higher Education (YÖK) to transform universities in the neoliberalisation process that started after 12 September in Turkey, became one of the social opposition movements that left its mark on the late ‘90s.

The 2000s, on the other hand, was a period in which a new generation of young oppositionists would appear on the stage of history with their resistance all over the world.

Unlike the previous generations, the problem of socialism not being considered as a future alternative by the masses was a widespread sentiment among the youth, while the social tightening of the system, especially towards the 2008 crisis, meant that the promised welfare and freedom for millions, especially the youth, turned into a reality of lack of future, and the new wave of rebellion began to grow in response to this.

In Turkey, the pressure created by the AKP government being the enforcer of neoliberal policies and the increasing impact of political Islamist, reactionary and repressive policies on society signalled a social rupture. This rupture was always going to be on the stage as a defining factor from the 2000s to Gezi and from Gezi to today.

One of the most important factors in the demolition of the AKP government's illusion of democracy was to be the youth movement in Turkey. While the one-man regime, which exists today, went through various alliances and ruptures, the youth movement was shaped throughout the 2000s as a rebellion against the AKP and its ‘new system’. Both as a force that carried the overall politics to this point and as an expression of its own rebellion, this discourse was to determine the direction of the youth movement for many years and to make it mass. The struggle against the lack of future created by the neoliberal system and the struggle for freedom against reaction and oppression would continue with this political axis.

FROM DOLMABAHÇE TO ‘WE REBEL’

A product of the 1980 coup d'état, the Council of Higher Education (YÖK) has always been the target of youth movements throughout the 2000s as it was the most important institution in the liquidation of the autonomous democratic university. However, one of the breaking points in the university movement was to be the takeover of first the Council of Higher Education (YÖK) and then the universities directly under the control of the then Prime Minister Erdoğan. Although students continued to struggle with the demand for autonomous democratic universities at all thresholds until today, when the rectors who stood by their students and university autonomy were replaced first by pro- and then directly by trustee rectors, universities, which today are directly dependent on presidential appointees, would also go through various stages. At the beginning of the 2000s, the relatively autonomous, at least elected and consensus-based university administration was to be made dependent on one man.

In retrospect, one of the starting points of the transition process of universities can be seen as the rectors' meeting organised by Erdoğan, the prime minister of the time, in Dolmabahçe in November 2010. Dolmabahçe would also go down in history as the first youth demonstration of university youth directly targeting Erdoğan and the new regime. After this start, every visit of AKP bureaucrats to universities would be followed by protests almost everywhere, and the youth would follow a course uniting against the AKP. Tayyip Erdoğan's visit to METU, the prime minister of the time, would also be accompanied by a massive protest, and METU students would come together in January 2011 in the ‘We are rebelling’ march. The years in which university youth drew attention with their discourse and forms of action would last until Gezi.

FETTULLAH'S CODE AND HİGH SCHOOL STUDENTS

While protests against the AKP were continuing in universities, high school students across Turkey would also take to the streets after the scandal broke out in March 2011 that the Fethullah Gülen sect had encrypted the questions in the university entrance exams (then known as YGS) through ÖSYM and distributed them to their cronies. The YGS encryption would also be perceived as a sign of cadre formation within the state as we move towards today's one-man regime, and it would be one of the first moments when young people, whose future had been stolen, would stand up. In the days when large protest marches were organised across the country, it was to be seen in what ways the AKP's new regime had adopted and would adopt.

METU UPRISING AND THE COUNTRY UPRISING FOR GEZİ

After the 2010 referendum was held with both the cooperation of the Gülen sect and the promise of democratisation, the AKP's and Erdoğan's new regime was visible to the public with its regressive policies targeting women (banning abortion), its transition to the 4+4+4 education system, and its repressive policies, especially on the youth, where the police also increased their violence. By December 2012, the blockade of METU by Tayyip Erdoğan, who came to the campus with five thousand police officers and countless water canon vehicles, was heading towards an eruption point. The heavy police violence against the students' protests would draw public outrage. University students would organise protests all over Turkey with the slogans ‘everywhere METU, everywhere resistance’, and METU would write ‘METU RISING’ on the DEVRİM stadium with thousands of students after a class boycott organised by students and academics. Since the 1980 coup d'état, this protest would go down in history as the biggest student protest ever seen and would be the eruption point of the youth's rebellion before the Gezi Park protests, where the whole country would rise up and millions of people would fill the squares and streets.

Throughout the 2000s, the youth movements, which were characterised by the political climate in Turkey, were united in their demand for an end to the AKP regime. The same demand and large masses of youth would also leave their mark on Gezi, a widespread public movement. Shaping the protests with their own words and actions, the youth also shaped mainstream politics.

2025: AND NOW AGAIN

The youth struggle is coming to life again today with the call of thousands of students taking to the streets and young people filling the squares. Generation Z has become a new chapter in the struggle against the AKP.

This outbreak is taking place after a long period of silence. The June uprising was also a youth uprising. The period that followed this great and united objection of the oppositional youth groups against the AKP was one of the most chaotic times in the history of the country. In universities, this period was also characterised by a special oppression ranging from trustee rectors to academic purges and police siege. Although it is not really possible to talk about a specific student youth movement during this period, the youth continued to be one of the most important dynamics of the struggle against the AKP. The struggle in every field, from referendums to elections, was essentially a part of the youth's struggle for liberation from this regime.

During this period, many struggles were led, from the struggle for their friends who lost their lives in religious sect dormitories to the resistance in universities such as Boğaziçi and METU against the trustees. Today, at the heart of the eruption that rises on top of all these, in the young people's expressions, is the rage created by the loss of a future. Almost everyone, from young people studying or graduating from universities to those who work outside universities, is deprived of a reliable future.

Many students are no longer able to continue their education at universities, even if they have been admitted. For those who are able to continue their studies, employment after graduation has become an even bigger crisis. Young people in the country have increasingly moved abroad due to the increasing repression, the depression caused by the political and economic crisis and the uncertainty about their future. This shift was driven not only by economic issues, but also by the domination of daily life by political Islam and the erosion of the young people's sense of belonging to the society and the country in an increasingly fragile survival struggle.

While this crisis makes the search for an liberation alive for the youth, now the threshold has been overcome. The fact that universities have been able to mobilise rapidly within this movement, their ability to shape coordination between each other within the movement and their desire to unite carries very important hints for the youth struggle of the upcoming era. As a new generation, the youth is now mobilising to write their own history using their own words, their own language...

Note: This text has been translated from the original Turkish version titled ’60’lardan bugüne gençlik mücadelesi: Ve tarih yürümeye başladı..., published in BirGün newspaper on 30 March, 2025.